Kerajaan Portibi: The Forgotten Kingdom

By: Julkifli Marbun
source: http://humbahas.blogspot.com/2006/12/kerajaan-portibi-forgotten-kingdom.html

Kerajaan Portibi di tanah Batak merupakan kerajaan kuno yang sangat unik. Keunikannya terletak di berbagai segi. Keunikan itu misalnya dalam defenisi nama kerajaan tersebut; Portibi. Portibi dalam bahasa Batak artinya dunia atau bumi. Jadi bila kita artikan Kerajaan Portibi secara leterleks maka berarti kerajaan dunia.Portibi adalah nama sebuah daerah yang menjadi nama sebuah kecamatan di Daerah Tingkat II Kabupaten Tapanuli Selatan. Berada di jantung wilayah Padang Lawas. Dulunya merupakan bagian dari wilayah Padang Bolak.Sebegitu hebatkah kerajaan ini dahulu sehingga disebut sebagai kerajaan dunia. Atau apakah kerajaan ini dulunya merupakan pusat dunia, misalnya dalam bidang tertentu seperti Tibet, yang menjadi pusat meditasi Buddha yang terletak di pegunungan Himalaya tersebut.Keunikan kedua adalah bahwa nama Portibi merupakan sebuah kata dalam bahasa Batak yang akarnya tidak diragukan lagi berasal dari bahasa sansekerta atawa Hindu. Portibi merupakan pelafalan Batak atas kata Pertiwi atau di India dikenal dengan nama Pritvi. Nama Pritvi ini sekarang dipakai menjadi nama sebuah rudal India. Dalam sejaran Hindu dikenal juga Dinasti Pertiwi yang dikenal dengan nama Pritvi Raj. Diduga, intrusi orang-orang Hindu secara organisasi kemiliteran terjadi hanya di daerah ini di tanah Batak.Untuk diketahui bahwa hubungan budaya dan ekonomi antara Batak dan India sudah berlangsung sejak dahulu kala. Namun itu lebih kepada hubungan person to person. Orang-orang India tidak datang bersama pasukan militer atau sebagai penjajah sebagaimana datangnya orang Eropa paska abad pertengahan.Namun, satu-satunya kontak, atau paling tidak daerah jajahan atawa vassal kerajaan yang pernah dibuat orang Hindu secara langsung adalah di sekitar kerajaan Portibi ini. Kerajaan Hindu tersebut diduga didirikan oleh Raja Rajendra Cola yang menjadi raja Tamil, yang Hindu Siwa, di India Selatan yang menjajah Sri Langka.Argumentasi mengenai kedatangan orang Hindu tersebut diduga berdasarkan kepentingan ekonomi dalam perebutan sumber emas yang menjadi komoditas berharga saat itu. Kerajaan Portibi yang sekarang itu, terletak di tanah Batak Selatan yang sangat dikenal sejak zaman kuno sebagai tanah emas karena di wilayah ini sangat mudah didapati emas dengan hanya menyiramkan air ke tanahnya.Orang-orang Hindu tersebut mendarat melalu pelabuhan Natal yang sejak zaman kuno sudah disinggahi oleh Bangsa Phonesia (Funisia), sebelum zaman Romawi dan Yunani untuk membeli produk-produk emas. Di zaman tersebut tanah Batak Selatan melalui pintu pelabuhan Natalnya dikenal dengan istilah "Ophir El Dorado".Berbeda dengan Barus yang menjadi pintu masuk ke Tanah Batak dari sisi Barat yang lebih dikenal dengan produk al-Kafur al-Fansuri nya yang banyak disinggahi oleh pembeli dari berbagai penjuru dunia. Produk tersebut bahkan mendapat minat yang sangat tinggi pada era dan oleh King Solomon alias Nabi Sulayman, saat dia ingin memikat hati Ratu Balqis. Barus dan Natal merupakan daerah yang sangat diminati untuk didatangi dengan produk-produk langkanya yang terdapat dalam jumlah yang besar. Bahkan tanah Batak sangat dikenal juga sebagai tanah yang paling disukai oleh 'tuhan' karena hanya di inilah tumbuh sebuah pohon yang sangat disukainya dan dipakai untuk berkomunikasi dengan 'tuhan' tersebut oleh pemujanya; yakni kemenyan yang bermutu tinggi.Tidak diketahui secara pasti apakah Rajendra Cola bermaksud mendirikan kuil nya di tanah Batak ini karena posisinya sebagai ' pusat tanah tuhan' atau bukan. Namun sejauh buku sejarah menduga bahwa argumentasi yang paling logis adalah untuk menguasai arus perdagangan dengan menjajah sumber utamanya.Ekspedisi pasukan Rajendra Cola dimulai lebih kurang tahun 1100M atau ada yang bilang tahun 1025M, dengan menyisir pantai Natal, terus masuk ke daerah-daerah sekitar sungai Barumun, Padang Lawas yang sekarang dikenal dengan Portibi dan beberapa wilayah di sekitar Sungai Batang Angkola di Angkola setelah menguasai Sri Langka. Di sekitar daerah tersebut mereka mendirikan kerajaannya dimana sebelumnya telah eksis masyarakat tambang Batak dengan pendatang dari berbagai penjuru dunia terutama dari masyarakat Hindu. Mereka mendirikan koloni lengkap dengan Candi yang sekarang dikenal dengan Biara Sipamutung, sebuah Hindu Temple Complex yang diperkirakan jauh lebih besar dari komplek candi hindu Prambanan di Pulau Jawa.Pendirian kerajaan tersebut yang lengkap dengan sistem pemerintahannya sendiri semakin mengundang banyak penambang emas dari India untuk bermukim dan menjadi penambang. Sampai sekarang di daerah Portibi, masih terdapat Candi Bahal I, III dan III. Masih di daerah yang dinamakan Bahal tersebut terdapat sebuah candi terletak di pinggir sungai Batang Pane, sekitar 300 meter dari candi Bahal I. Candi-candi juga terdapat pada desa Bara, Aloban, Rondaman Lombang, Saba Sitahul-tahul dan lain sebagainya. (Lihat: Djamaluddin Siregar, Pertentangan Kaum Adat dan Agama di Kecamatan Portibi dan Kontribusi Pesantren dalam Mencari Solusi, Thesis di Program Paska Sarjana IAIN Sumatera Utara, 2005, hal. 14)Terdapat juga bendungan kuno raksasa yang terdapat di desa Aloban (rura Sitobu). Bendungan ini berukuran panjang hempangan sekitar 150 meter, lebar di bawah sekitar 15 m, sedang di atasnya masih tersisa sekitar 7 meter. Berhubungan dengan bendungan tersebut terdapat juga bendungan ukuran sedang di Sihaborgoan. Kedua bendungan tersebut tidak lagi diketahui oleh masyarakat sejarahnya karena diperkirakan seumur dengan candi-candi tersebut. Diduga bendungan yang dibangun masyarakat tambang Batak tersebut dihancurkan oleh Rajendra Cola saat akan menjajah wilayah tersebut. Perusakan tersebut ditujukan untuk memonopoli sistem pertambangan.Diduga masyarakat tambang Batak dengan penambang imigran khususnya dari India telah membuka daerah tambang di berbagai wilayah sekitar Portibi seperti, Gunung Tua, Batang Onan, Pijorkoling dan lain sebagainya.Semua bekas peninggalan tambang kuno tersebut, menjadi 'kampung hantu' yang terabaikan sekarang ini.Lalu mengapa Kerajaan Rajendra Cola tersebut menghilang begitu saja. Bagaimana ceritanya?. Sebenarnya ada dua kemungkinan dari informasi di atas.Pertama, Kerajaan Portibi telah lama eksis di Daerah tersebut yang menjadi Kerajaan Batak dari marga Siregar dan Harahap. Namun ekspedisi Rajendra Cola ke Sumatera telah menjajah daerah tersebut untuk memonopoli emas. Namun kekuatan pribumi Portibi berhasil mengusir eksistensi Kerajaan Rajendra Cola tersebut yang dikenal banyak orang dengan Kerajaan Aru Sipamutung dan mengembalikan kedaulatan Batak atas kerajaan tersebut sampai sekarang.Hipotesa kedua adalah Rajendra Cola datang hanya untuk menyerang Sumatera dan tidak sempat membangun pemerintahannya di daerah Batak. Sehingga eksistensi mereka hanya temporer dan tidak sempat mendirikan kerajaan baru yang permanen. Peristiwa penyerangan tersebut disebutkan dalam transkrip Tanjore dari Bangsa Tamil dalam pemerintahan Rajendra Cola, dimana nama "Ilamuridesam yang sangat murka terlibat dalam perang" disebutkan menyerang beberapa wilayah di Sumatera sebagai daerah target-target penggempuran mereka pada tahun 1025. (K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, History of Srivijaya (Madras: University of Madras, 1949), pp. 80, 81).Diduga kuat Rajendra Cola mengamuk karena perilaku Kerajaan Sriwijaya yang mewajibkan setiap pedagang yang melewati selat Malaka harus membayar pajak yang cukup tinggi. Sehingga, hal tersebut memaksa Rajendra Cola untuk mengirim ekspedisi militer menghancurkan Sriwijaya yang berimbas kepada penyerangan sumber-sumber tambang dan industri di kerajaan-kerajaan Batak.Terlepas dari cerita sejarah tersebut, Kerajaan Portibi telah menambah perbendaharaan peradaban Batak sebagai sebuah kerajaan marga Siregar dan Harahap yang menjadi daerah kaya akibat sumber tambang alam yang sangat kaya raya. Penemuan bendungan raksasan yang dihancurkan oleh Rajendra Cola tersebut, telah memperkaya sejarah arsitektur bangsa Batak.Heroisme bangsa Batak dalam menghadapi gempuran penjajah Rajendra Cola masih terdapaat dalam turi-turian rakyat di Kerajaan Portibi. Turi-turian tersebut mengisahkan sekilas mengenai semangat patriotisme Batak dipimpin oleh Tongku Malim Lemleman dan Ompu Jalak Maribu kontra pasukan marinir Rajendra Cola. Diduga saat itu sebagain besar masyarakat Portibi telah mengenal Islam sebelum abad ke-10 M, kata Malim sendiri merupakan istilah kuno paska kedatangan Islam yang mengacu kepada tetua adat atau yang mengerti adat dan ajaran agama. Sisingamangaraja XII juga dikenal dengan gelarnya Malim Bosar. Orang-orang Islam Portibi, yang telah memeluk Islam sejak sebelum abad ke-10 tersebut, bersama sebagain kecil masyarakat yang masih dipengaruhi teologi Batak Hindu, menyatu menjadi golongan adat yang kemudian berhadapan dengan golongan Batak puritan dalam perang Padri di abad ke-19 M. Dikatakan armada laut Rajendra Cola mendarat di Situngir-tungir, suatu tempat di Sungai Batang Pane (Sungai Barumun), dekat dengan desa Sibatu Loting dan Bahal. Namun satu hal yang sangat disayangkan belum ada penelitian lebih lanjut mengenai pembahasan turi-turian ini baik dari departemen pendidikan, kebudayaan maupun otoritas terkait lainnya.Menurut Jamaluddin Siregar, akibat dari kontak kultural antara masyarakat Batak dan Hindu ini terciptalah budaya dan adat Batak yang mempunyai spesifikasi dan karakteristik yang berbeda dengan budaya Batak umumnya. Dia beranggapan bahwa adat dan Budaya masyarakat di Kerajaan Portibi sebegitu uniknya sehingga menjadi kesatuan budaya dan adat yang berdiri sendiri atau paling tidak menjadi sebuah suk-kultur yang tipikal. Sampai sekarang, masyarakat Portibi merupakan masyarakat di tanah Batak yang paling memuliakan dan mempraktekkan hampir semua ajaran yang termaktub di Pustaha Tumbaga Holing. Beda dengan masyarakat Batak lainnya yang telah memodifikasinya sesuai dengan tuntutan zaman dan daerahnya. Tumbaga Holing sendiri disinyalir berasal dari kata tumbaga yakni tembaga dan holing yang berarti keling. Keling adalah panggilan kuno untuk orang India. Seperti istilah Coromandel yang berarti "keling country"Hal itu dikuatkan dengan penemuan prasasti Batak Purba (kuno) yang sudah diterjemahkan oleh Dr. Goris, Direktur Museum Bali pada tahun 1978, yang bertarikhs 1253. (Lihat: Harahap, Horja Adat Istiadat Dalihan Natolu, (Jakarta: Parsadaan Marga Harahap Dohot anak Boruna, 1993) h. 11.)Berbeda dengan kerajaan-kerajaan Batak kuno lainnya, Kerajaan Portibi merupakan kerajaan yang sudah maju dengan sistem bendungan, irigasi dan persawahan selain tambang emas. Kerajaan ini telah dilengkapi dengan sistem pertahanan yang kuat dengan benteng-benteng yang terbuat dari batu berukit. tidak seperti di tempat lain di tanah Batak yang hanya terbuat dari batu gunung yang belum diolah.Diduga, kerajaan Portibi sangat erat kaitannya, atau paling tidak, merupakan sekutu dan aliansi kerajaan Batak lainnya, yakni Kerajaan Pane yang sangat masyhur di dunia Cina dan Arab kuno sebagai pintu masuk ke Sumatera dari arah Timur. Pelabuhan Kerajaan Pane, di sekitar wilayah Tanjung Balai sekarang, merupakan alternarif untuk mendapatkan kapur barus, kemenyan dan emas dari pedalam Sumatera yang dibawa dari daerah pedalaman dan pantai Barat melalui darat ke pantai Timur.

Mandailing Antara Fakta Dan Legenda

WASPADA Online.
Oleh Farizal Nasution

Sejarah Mandailing di Sumatera Utara tidak bisa dipisahkan dalam lembaran legenda yang sampai kini terus hidup dan berkembang. Sebab dari Mandailing inilah lahirlah manusia-manusia Mandailing yang kini hidup beranak pinak sampai ke anak cucu.

Mandailing, menurut legenda berasal dari daerah Munda di utara India. Masyarakat Munda di utara India ini terpukul oleh serangan bangsa Aryan, lalu berpindah ke Burma di mana terdapat sebuah kota purba yang dinamakan Mandalay. Setelah sekian lama di sana mereka sekali lagi diusir ke luar oleh kaum asli Burma, lalu berpindah menyeberangi Selat Malaka hingga ke Sumatera. Menurut informasi yang sampai kepada penulis, masuknya bangsa Munda tersebut ke Sumatera melalui Pantai Barat Sumatera yaitu Pelabuhan Barus. Beberapa abad sebelum tahun Masehi, Barus sudah banyak didatangi berbagai bangsa, dan menjadi pelabuhan yang sangat terkenal karena kapur barusnya. Di Barus pula pada masa lalu pernah ditemui koloni etnis Tamil yang juga berasal dari India.

Menurut cerita yang berkembang pada abad keenam, orang-orang Munda ini telah berjaya mendirikan kerajaan bernama Poli di Pantai Timur Sumatera. Kerajaan ini juga dikenal sebagai Portibi atau Puni. Tetapi Kerajaan Munda Holing ini hanya bertahan sampai abad XVI. Pada sekitar tahun 1030 an kerajaan Hindia Selatan di bawah pimpiunan Maharaja Rajendera Chola menaklukan Portibi (Munda). Lalu masyarakat Munda berpindah ke Pidoli berhampiran Penyabungan yang ada sekarang ini. Di Pidoli ini mereka mendirikan sebuah kerajaan yang dikenal sebagai Mandela Holing. Tetapi dari informasi lain ada yang menyebut asal nama Mandailing ialah bermula dari perkataan Mandalay, yaitu nama sebuah kota yang besar di Burma. Sebab di Burma utara terdapat sebuah kota kebudayaan atau pusat peradaban dan pemerintah yang bernama Mundalay yang hampir sama dengan Mandailing di Sumatera Utara.

Dalam perkembangan sejarah bahwa kerajaan Mandala Holing ini berjaya hingga abad XIII, sebab mereka diserang oleh kerajaan Hindu Singosari dari Tanah Jawa di bawah pimpinan Raja Kertanegara yang telah melancarkan expedisi Pemelayuan pada 1275. Namun, dalam waktu singkat orang-orang Mandala Holing ini telah berjaya mendirikan kerajaan mereka dan menjadi termashur. Kerajaan Hindu Majapahit pada masa lalu merasa tergugat dan cemburu karena kerajaan Mandala Holing menjadi kuat. Pada tahun 1365 kerajaan Hindu Majapahit menyerang Sumatera sekali lagi. Di dalam Sumpah Palapa Gajah Mada yang berbentuk syair Purba Jawa yang bertajuk Negarakertagama ditulis oleh Mpu Prapanca dan dijumpai di Puri Cakranegara Lombok terdapat pernyataan Mandailing itu sebuah negeri besar yang telah diserang. Ini menunjukkan bahwa kerajaan Mandailing telah lama ada sebelum nama Batak tercatat di dalam peradaban sejarah.

Di dalam Sumpah Palapa disebutkan pasukan Majapahit mengekspansi ke Melayu di Sumatera merata sejak Jambi, Palembang, Muara Tebo, Darmasraya, Minangkabau, Siak, Kampar, Panai, Pulau Kampar, Haru dan Mandailing. Keberadaan Mandailing telah terlukis indah pada syair ke 13 Negarakertagamanya Prapanca yang agung. Pada masa itu Mandailing mempunyai masyarakat yang homogen yaitu masyarakat yang tumbuh dan terhimpun dalam suatu ketatanegaraan kerajaan dengan kebudayaannya yang sudah tinggi pada zamannya. Tanah Mandailing telah terkenal di nusantara ini sekitar tahun 1287 Caka (1365 M). Dalam catatan sejarah atas serangan Rajaendra Cola dari India pada 1023 M ke kerajaan Panai. Kerajaan Panai berlokasi di bagian hulu sungai Barumun atau di sepanjang aliran sungai Batang Pane mulai dari Binanga (pertemuan sungai Barumun dengan sungai Batang Pane) termasuk daerah Portibi di Gunung Tua hingga sampai ke lembah pegunungan Sibual-buali di daerah Sipirok. Ini ditandai dengan adanya anggota masyarakat yang bermarga pane di daerah Sipirok.

Dari informasi, nama Mandailing ada yang menduga berasal dari perkataan Mande Hilang dalam bahasa Minangkabau, perkataan tersebut berarti ibu yang hilang. Ada juga menyebutkan Mandailing berasal dari perkataan Munda hilang yang berarti Munda yang mengungsi. Bangsa Munda di India pada masa yang silam melakukan pengungsian karena mereka terdesak oleh bangsa Aria. Konon sebelum kedatangan bangsa Aria, bangsa Munda menduduki India Utara. Karena desakan bangsa Aria, maka bangsa Munda menyingkir ke Selatan. Pendudukan bangsa Aria itu terjadi di sekitar tahun 1500 sebelum Masehi. Bangsa Munda pindah ke luar dari daerah India menuju Assam dan Asia Tenggara setelah terjadi pendudukan lembah sungai Gangga oleh bangsa Aria dalam keseluruhannya.

Ketika terjadi perpindahan bangsa Munda dari India Utara ke Asia Tenggara oleh karena terdesak dari bangsa Aria, diduga ada sebagian yang masuk ke Sumatera melalui Barus.Mandailing memang sebuah kerajaan sehingga pada waktu dulu kerajaan ini disegani di seluruh nusantara bahkan dunia. Konon, kerajaan Mandailing memiliki kekuatan gaib untuk menumpas lawan lawannya. Namun pada saat yang kurang menguntungkan Datu Besar (guru besarnya) meninggal dunia sehingga kekuatan Mandailing lemah dan mereka kocar-kacir menyelamatkan diri ke wilayah lainnya. Dalam penelusuran penulis di daerah tersebut adanya sebutan Mandala pada beberapa buah pemukiman moyang marga Rangkuti dan Parinduri yakni Datu Janggut Marpayung Aji bernama Mandala Sena. Untuk menguasai daerah kerajaan tersebut pada abad XIV sebagaimana yang disebut dengan nama Mandala Hilang (Mandailing) di dalam buku Negarakartagama. Dalam penelusuran itu terdapat candi-candi dibangun sejak abad X dan XI. Bahkan sebagian candi-candi itu pembangunannya dimulai jauh seelum abad ke X.

Oleh sebab itulah besar kemungkinan kerajaan Mandala Holing yang meninggalkan daerah ini kemudian hari berubah nama menjadi nama Mandahilang (Mandailing seperti terdapat dalam buku Negarakertagama dengan nama Mandailing). Mandailing adalah suatu wilayah yang terletak di Mandailing Natal di tengah pulau Sumatera sepanjang jalan raja lintas Sumatra. Mandailing terbagi dua yaitu: Mandailing kecil, ulu dan Pakantan dan dua Mandailing Besar dan Batang Natal. Kemudian Mandailing dibagi dua walaupun adatnya sama yaitu Mandailing Godang dan Mandailing Julu. Mandailing Godang didominasi oleh marga Nasution yang wilayahnya mulai dari Sihepeng di sebelah utara Penyabungan sampai Maga di sebelah selatan serta daerah Batang Natal sampai Muarasoma dan Muara Parlampungan di sebelah barat. Sedangkan daerah Mandailing Julu didominasi oleh marga Lubis yang wilayahnya mulai dari Laru dan Tambangan di sebelah utara Kotanopan sampai Pakantan dan Hutanagidang di sebelah selatan.

Dalam penelusuran penulis, marga Mandailing banyak. Seperti tersebut di bawah ini : Babiat di Tambiski, Napagadunglaut. Baumi di Marancar Dabuar di Nagasaribu, Portibi Dalimunthe di Muaratais, Sigalangan, Sihulambu, Lombu Tayas, Gunung Tinggi, Janjilobi. Dasopang di Silangge, Pangirkiran Daulae di Pintu Padang, Singkuang, Sipiongot, Siunggam, ringgonan, Hasahatan, Hutanopan (Padang Lawas), Sosa Julu, Sosa Jae, Aeknabara, Binabo. Dongoran di Sihulambu, Tapus (Padang Lawas), Silangge, Sipiongot, Mandalasena, Tambiski, Napagadunglaut, Halongonan. Harahap di Hutaimbaru, Sabungan, Simapilapil, Siharangkarang, Losungbatu, Hanopan, Batunadua, Pijorkoling, Napagadunglaut, Pangirkiran, Hasang, Parurean, Halongonan, Hajoran, Purbasinomba, Gunungtua (Padang Lawas), Pamuntaran, Siunggam, Nagasaribu, Batangonang, Gadu, Tabusira, Sayurmatinggi (Pasang Lawas), Padang dolok, sosopan, Simanosor, Padang Hanopan, Hasahatan, Sosa Jae, Siapas, Ujungbatu, Aeknabara, Portibi, Unterudang, Binanga, Huristak, Simangambat (Padang Lawas), Sidangkal, Pargarutan, Panyanggar, Simatontong, Sabatarutung, Pasar Matanggor, Sababalik. Hasibuan di Sihulambu, Batugana, Gunungtua (Padang Lawas), Paringgonan, Hasahatan, Janjilobi, Hutanopan (Padang Lawas), Sosa Julu, Sosa Jae, Mondang, Pinarik, Siapas, Aeknabara, Unterudang, Binanga, Huristak, Simangambat (Padang Lawas), Ujungbatu, Barumun.

Hutasuhut di Lobu Layan, Sipirok
Lubis di Maga, Tambangan, Kotanopan, Manambin, Tamiang, Ulu, Pakantan Dolok, Pakantan Lombang, Hutanopan (Padang Lawas), Sosa Jae, Mondang, Pinarik, Aeknabara. Nasution di Panyabungan Tonga, Panyabungan Julu, Gunungtua (Mandailing), Pidoli Dolok, Pidoli Lombang, Hutasiantar, Gunung Baringin, Lingga Bayu, Muara Parlampungan, Aeknan gali, Sosopan, Paringgonan, Hasahatan, Janjilobi, Hutanopan (Padang Lawas), Sosa Jae, Mondang, Pinarik, Siapas, Aeknabara, Unterudang Simangambat (Padang Lawas). Pane di Tapus (Padang Lawas), Napagadunglaut, Arse, gunung Manaon, Pangurabaan dan Lancat. Pasaribu di Tolang (Padang Lawas), Sosa Julu.Payung di Simundol Pohan di Gunung Tinggi, Simundol, Sipiongot, Nagasaribu, Huristak. Pulungan di Batang Toru, Sayurmatinggi (Batang Angkola), Hutanopan (Padang Lawas), Huta Bargot (Mandailing), Sumuran dan Silaia di Kecamatan Sipirok. Rambe di Tapus (Padang Lawas), Gunung Tinggi, Simundol, Sipiongot, Mandalasena. Rangkuti di Runding, Aekmarian.Ritonga di Sihulambu, Lobu Tayas, Tolang (Padang Lawas), Tapus (Padang Lawas), Gunung Tinggi, Sipiongot, Mandalasena, Tambiski. Sagala di Sihulambu

Simbolon di Sipiongot, Mandalasenan. Siregar di Baringin, Parausorat, Bungabondar, Napagadunglaut, Hajoran, Purbasinomba, Batugana, Pamuntaran, Siunggam, Nagasaribu, Batang Onang, Sayurmatinggi (Padang Lawas), Gunungtua (Padang Lawas), Pangkal Dolok, Sosopan, Janjilobi, Hutanopan (Padang Lawas), Sosa Jae, Portibi, Unterudang, Binanga, Marancar, Tambiski, Mandalasena, Janji Manaon, Simandiangin, Aek Bayur, Hopong. Tanjung di Lingga Bayu, Silangge, Mandalasena, Napagadunglaut.

Keberadaan Mandailing bukan datang dengan sendirinya tetapi mengalami suatu proses. Selepas Pidoli dibumi hangus, bangsa Munda yang bercampuraduk dengan penduduk asli telah membentuk marga Pulungan dan mendirikan kerajaan di Huta Bargot. Kerajaan ini telah dikalahkan oleh Sutan Diaru dari marga Nasution yang berasal dari Pagaruyung. Sutan Diaru mendirikan kerajaan di Panyabungan dan memerintah seluruh Mandailing Godang. Oleh karena Sutan Diaru itu adalah seorang putera yang ditemui di bawah pokok beringin di tepi Aek Batang Gadis ibunya pula tidak diketahui maka kerajaan tersebut dikenal sebagai kerajaan Mande Nan Hilang Mandehilang atau ibu yang hilang dan akhirnya sebutan tersebut menjadi Mandailing mengikut loghat orang minang.

Dalam syair Negarakertagama yang ditulis oleh Mpu Prapanca tidak bisa dipisahkan dalam menyelusuri Mandailing sebab dalam syair ke-13 Kakawin terdapat kata kampe Harw athawe Mandailing i Tumihang Parlak mwang i Barat. Dengan adanya kata Mandailing merupakan bukti sejarah bahwa Mandailing menjadi perhitungan di nusantara ini. Sebab keberadaan Mandailing memang dijuluki sebagai wilayah yang kuat dan solid dalam peradabannya. Sebab nama Mandailing memang tidak ada duanya di Indonesia ini, unik dan misteri lagi. Dalam abad ke-14 sekitar tahun 1365 orang mandailing memiliki peradaban yang maju sehingga menjadi perhitungan bagi raja-raja Jawa. Sebelum lahirnya kerajaan Majapahit Mandailing telah ada walau sebuah kampung yang dihuni oleh beberapa orang dengan rajanya. Sehingga lama kelamaan kerajaan ini menjadi besar dan lahirlah kerajaan Majapahit yang memang besar dan kuat. Kerajaan Mandailing pada waktu itu memang besar di akibatkan oleh mas. Mas merupakan penghasilan penduduk sebab di wilayah ini memang kaya akan hasil tambangnya. Sehingga masyarakatnya makmur dan mampu menghidupkan dirinya sendiri. Tanpa harus expansi ke wilayah lain. Sehingga pada waktu itu Mandailing dikenal sebutan tano sere yang artinya tanah emas dalam cerita-cerita lama.

Daerah Mandailing Julu (kini disebut Kotanopan) sampai kini ditemukan tepat yang bernama garabak ni agom seperti di sekitar Huta na Godang. Nama itu diberikan kepada bekas tempat-tempat orang agam (Minangkabau) menambang mas di masa dahulu di Mandailing Julu, yaitu dekat Muarasipongi. Tano sere sebagai bukti Mandailing kaya dengan mas sehingga kerajaan Mandailing tetap jaya sebab tidak memerlukan bantuan dari wilayah lain untuk membangun kerajaannya. Nama Mandailing sebenarnya sudah disebut dalam kesusastraan Toba Tua yang klasik yang disebut di dalam Tonggo Tonggo Si Boru Deak Parajar yang terdiri dari 10 pasal. Di dalam kesusastraan tersebut tertulis Mandailing. Konon menurut cerita dalam buku Sutan Kumala Bulan yang ditulis oleh H. Mhd. Said menjelaskan sebagai berikut : Diperhatikan dari adanya bangunan bersejarah terdiri dari biaro-biaro di Padang Lawa dapat diyakini pertumbuhan masyarakat yang berbudaya di wilayah itu masih berabad-abad lebih tua dari zaman Prapanca. Serangan Rajendra Gola dari India di tahun 1023 – 24 M, antara lain ke Panai misalnya, menunjukkan perlunya suatu ekspedisi militer untuk menaklukkan kerajaan tersebut. Panai diperkirakan lokasinya di hulu sungai Barumun, ditandai dengan adanya nama Batang Pane dan anggota masyarakat yang bermarga Pane di Angkola Sipirok.

Bila menyelusuri jejak kerajaan Mandailing tidak bisa lepas dari kerajaan yang menguasai daerah mulai dari Portibi di Gunung Tua Padang Lawas sampai ke daerah Pidoli di Mandailing. Sebab semua pusat kerajaan ini terletak di Portibi Gunung Tua dengan adanya bukti-bukti candi-candi purba. Dengan serangan pasukan Majapahit karena melihat kerajaan Mandailing menjadi besar kemudian pusat pemerintahan kerajaan tersebut dipindahkan ke Piu di daerah Mandailing (dekat kota Panyabungan yang sekaang). Ini dibuktikan pada masa silam di daerah Pidoli ini terdapat juga candi-candi purba. Namun demikian bukti ini (candi-candi ini) keburu dihancurkan oleh pasukan Islam di bawah pimpinan Tuanku Imam Bonjol ratusan tahun yang lalu. namun reruntuhan candi-candi masih membekas di beberapa tempat seperti di Saba Biaro Pidoli dan Simangambat yakni Pidoli terletak di Panyabungan dan Simangambat di Siabu. Dalam sebuah surat uang dikenal Surat Tumbago Holing berdasarkan informasi masyarakat memang ada tetapi belum diketahui orang. Menurut orang tua di daerah Mandailing bahwa surat Tumbago Hilang ialah surat perjanjian yang dibuat oleh seorang raja di Mandailing dengan Belanda. Bila surat itu ada berarti baru lahir abad ke XIX. Rasanya terlalu mudah kejadiannya. Namun ada yang menafsirkan Surat Tumbago Holing ini ialah surat Emas dari bangsa Keling suatu surat yang isinya mengajarkan kebaikan kepada masyarakat di tempat itu zaman dahulu kala sedangkan dari agama Hindu merupakan surat perjanjian yang berbentuk undang-undang untuk dihayati yang bersumber dari buku kepercayaan mereka. Konon dari cerita legenda yang berkembang sampai kini dan masih dipercaya masyarakat setempat pada zaman dahulu kala di mana pagi masih berkabut. Langit terlihat remang-remang berselimut awan kelabu. Burung-burung mulai berkicau menyambut sang surya di ufuk timur. Saat itu terlihat ibu-ibu dan gadis-gadis tanggung pergi ke tepian.

Mereka hendak mencuci atau sekedar mengambil air.
Dari kejauhan terlihat sekelompok orang-orang berjalan menyusuri jalan setapak. Bila diperhatikan gaya penampilan dan bahasanya mereka adalah orang-orang asing. Mereka terlihat berjalan kepayahan sebab sudah sangat jauh yang ditempuhnya. Mereka seolah-olah ketakutan. Mereka ada yang membawa barang miliknya, kayaknya seperti orang hendak mengungsi. Orang-orang bertanya-tanya tentang orang yang belum dikenal mereka. Sekelompok orang tadi mengenalkan dirinya mereka berasal dari negeri India Selatan. Datang ke sini untuk menyelamatkan diri. Sebab negeri mereka dalam bahaya karena diserang bangsa Aria. Mereka berharap dapat menginap di daerah sini yakni Mandailing. Orang kampung menyetujuinya sebab orang dalam kesusahan harus ditolong. Sekelompok orang tadi senang sekali sebab mereka juga menikmati sungai Barumun yang jernih dan bersih. Rupanya diantara mereka ada yang menemukan emas sewaktu bermain pasir di tepian. Benda itu berwarna kuning berkilau. Kalau begitu sungai ini banyak emasnya. Sebab harganya sangat tinggi.

Dengan ditemukanya emas tadi maka beramai-ramai mereka memulai mendulang emas. Mereka saling menyelusuri tepian sungai Batang Gadis. Ternyata mereka berhasil menemukan emas lagi. Tepian sungai yang semula sunyi itu makin hari bertambah ramai. Mereka menyelam ke sungai mencari barang berharga. Mendulang emas sebagai mata pencaharian. Makin hari bukan saja warga pengungsi, warga setempat juga turun mendulang emas. Bahkan orang-orang dari Minangkabau turut bagian. Mereka tidak mau ketinggalan untuk memperoleh emas murni yang sangat berharga itu. Terutama sekali para ibu-ibu yang di sana disebut mande. Dengan keadaan yang demikian menyebabkan tepian sungai Batang Gadis banyak mendirikan pondok-pondok. Sebab mereka terlalu jauh untuk ke kampungnya. Dari hari ke hari tepian sungai itu banyak berdiri rumah-rumah. Kebanyakan penghuninya bermata pencaharian mendulang emas. Sehingga tempat itu semakin terkenal. Dengan demikian tempat inilah asal berdirinya kerajaan kecil di Mandailing. Tepatnya sekitar tepian sungai Batang Gadis. Dengan munculnya kerajaan-kerajaan kecil, wajar menjadi sasaran penyerangan dari kerajaan lain.

Kerajaan Majapahit datang atas perintah Hayam Wuruk. Terjadilah peperangan kecil terjadi. Pasukan raja-raja di tepian Batang Gadis menghalau pasukan Majapahit. Mereka sama sama kuat. Bagaimanapun kecilnya peperangan, kerugian di pihak rakyat pasti ada. Mereka berhamburan meninggalkan rumah mereka. Untuk menyelamatkan diri, bermukim di tempat yang aman. Orang-orang Munda sebagai pengungsi tidak terhindar dari gangguan ini. Mereka turut pindah ke tempat lain. Saat itu penduduk asli mereka kehilangan sajabat karir sebab selama ini mereka sering mendulang emas bersama-sama. Dari kisah hilangnya orang-orang Munda ini, seolah-olah mereka kehilangan sehingga mereka menyebut Munda Hilang. Dan dari tahun ke tahun kata-kata Munda. Hilang menjadi Mandailing.

Describing the Japanese Occupation: a case of West Kalimantan

Source: http://www2.obirin.ac.jp/~okuno/nihongun.html
Paper presented at the Third Biennial International Conference of the Borneo Research Council, 10-14 July 1994, Pontianak, West Kalimantan, Indonesia

1. Introduction
The Japanese occupation during the World War II left deep scars in West Kalimanatan. More than a thousand people were arrested for anti-Japanese conspiracy and then were put to death. It was after almost forty years that the Pontianak massacre was widely reintroduced through journalism into Japanese society. A Japanese local newspaper reported in 1982, "In West Borneo occupied by Japan, Tokkeitai( Special Police ) of the Navy fictionalized anti- Japanese conspiracy and put those approximately 1,600 local people to death. The former colonialists who made false documents or committed sentence lately opened their mouths. And a civilian who examined "the suspected" has just completed in manuscript writing "The truth of the Pontianak Massacre". The fourteen colonialists who were responsible were sentenced to death after the war. This massacre has been known among the concerned and scholars. In Indonesia this massacre came into question since the article appeared in a major paper in the beginning of this year...."( Gihu Nichinichi Shinbun: 16 August 1982 ). As showed in the account, it was not long before late Mr. T. Izeki published a book entitled " Nishi Boruneo Juumin Gyakusatsu Jiken"( The Massacre of West Borneo ) in Japanese( 198 ). Here in the introductory section I will briefly demonstrate two opposite opinions of the Japanese for the massacre, starting with his, to show some Japanese perspectives on the occupation.

Izeki used to be working for a Japanese company and was sent to its Pontianak branch before the Japanese Navy came to occupy the district. Before the massacre he was employed by the Japanese Tokkeitai( Special Police ) as an interviewer with the arrested( the suspected ) since he could handle sufficient Indonesian to translate their words into Japanese. This is the reason he claimed he was one of a few survivers who know the truth, because those who were responsible for the massacre were already sentenced to death according to the law after the war. He emphasized that there were absolutely no such facts for anti-Japanese conspiracy among the arrested and concluded that that was an massacre resulting from the fantasic fiction of the young Tokkeitai's members with the intention of raising their official statuses. He felt great sympathy for the sacrifices and their families and argued the Japanese government, representative of all the Japanese, urgently must apologize for Indonesians.

On the other hand. Mr. Asano( pseudonym ) was living in Pontianak from 1942 to 1947 and working for a Japanese trading company during the war. I met him in the first day of October, 1993 at Tokyo and heard his story. He was 83 years old then. He said he made a number of business trip to inland areas of West Kalimantan and one day he was beseeched by a man at Ngabang. The man had been forced to sign a document for anti-Japanese before and he hoped to erase his name from the list of the document because he had no particular ideas for anti- Japanese. Therefore he asked for Mr. Asano's help because Asano seemed to him to resolve the problem. Mr. Asano regretted he could not help him to do so. From this experience he was sure that there was obviously some action for anti- Japanese in West Kalimantan. He added that it was regrettable, however, not to ask the man directly about the fact because the man was also sentenced to death soon after their meeting. He felt all he could do was to appease the spirits of the sacrifices in the massacre.

It can be seen that even among the Japanese concerned there exists different views for the cause of the massacre. From late Mr. Izeki's writing we can find that young Tokkeitai's wish to raise their positions promoted the massacre. On the other hand, from Mr. Asano's statement it may be concluded that Tokkeitai partially had some reason to arrest the suspected at the special period of the war. The historical fact of the massacre cannot be attained easily. Therefore I am generally uninterested in the fact. In such a case all we currently have is people's present views for the historical affairs. This is my conceptual basis throughout this essay. Anyway I am not going further into the issue relating to the massacre any more. Sparse data on the topic have not yet allowed me to formulate problems for analysis.

But if once we were informed the atrocious massacre committed by the Japanese military( or even if we were not informed it ) it might not be surprising to see in an ethnographic writing that the Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945 is represented as a time of great hardship not only for the townsmen but also for the interior Dayaks in West Kalimantan. For example, Dr. Jay Bernstein wrote in his dissertation "From 1942 to 1945 the Japanese controlled Borneo: their reign was universally characterized by my older informants as vicious and barbalic"( 1991: 34 )( I shall return to the analysis of this remark in the section 4 ). Nevertheless this remark is essentially contrary to my experiences given by locals of interior West Kalimantan. My local informants have never talked of the Japanese "vicious and barbalic" reign to me. The point is that the Japanese reign might be differently represented between Japanese and Westerners.

In the rest of this essay I am going to examine ethnographic descriptions on the Japanese occupation in West Kalimantan represented differently between Japanese and Westerners, particularly from a Japanese standpoiont. Simultaneously I intend to draw wider attention to the Japanese perspectives on the topic through this essay. A Japanese source and my own data will be made use of. My concern here is not to reconstruct history of the Japanese occupation in West Kalimantan, but to reconsider epistemologically the issue relevant to describing its history. After compared my data with some Westerners' representation, ethnographic descriptions on the Japanese occupation will be examined.

2. An Interview with a Former Bunkenkanrikan of Kapuas Hulu
In this section an interview with a former Japanese bunkenkanrikan ( local administrator/ district officer ) of Kami-Kapuasu( Upper Kapuas ) will be focused to know more about Japanese views for the occupation. Mr. Kawasaki ( pseudonym ) was born in 1917. After graduation from a university at Tokyo he started his carrier at the Department of Foreign Affairs. He was assigned as a first bunkenkanrikan of the upper Kapuas from 1943 to 44. He spoke of his impression of his days of Putussibau as followings to my interview. The interview was held at his house in Tokyo in Japanese in 8th of October, 1993.
K: What did locals say about me?
O: Some said they remembered the Japanese presence as good and old days. But I have never investigated the Japanese occupation. Now I intend to ask them how they think of the occupation when I visit the region.
K: I agree with you.
O: Probably I am a first Japanese after W.W.II who stays in the inland region of West Kalimantan for a long period. So I would really like to do research from varied points...Here is a copy of document found in the office of Putussibau district. This is the first Dutch controller, and here appears your name in no.39 as bunkenkanrikan 1943-44.
K: 43 to 44? That is too short.
O: Did Mr. Honda ( pseudonym ) succeed you?
K: That is Mr. Honda, M. Honda.
O: Then, let me have your story when you received orders to leave for Putussibau.
K: During the period of the Asian War, the Japanese Army and Navy were going to spread their territories. The whole terriories were divided between the Army and the Navy. Boruneo ( Borneo ) was occupied by the Navy, except Kita Boruneo ( North Borneo ). Kita Boruneo was occpied by the Army. Above all, those days the military was sent first. After the region was composed then the officials were delegated. The Department of Navy, at that time, also administrated Java and the other islands. They were short of officials and requested officials from the other Departments. In case of Boruneo sources such as petroleum, wood, ore and diamonds were much made use of to produce weapon. Since the sources were important and undeveloped the administration was supplemented by a number of technitians of private companies such as Mitsui, Mitsubishi and Nomura. The headqurters was in Banjarmasin. Under the Minseibu Shuuchiji( governer ) controled over the province. I was sent there to establish the Minseibu. Actually I worked for the Department of Foreign Affairs. There were a number of officials like me, also from the other Departments. We established Pontianak, Balikpapan and Tarakan and then spread our control. The bunkenkanrikan of Kami-Kapuas was established to dominate bunken ( district ) and I was appointed as a first one there. When the office of bunkenkanrikan in Putussibau was newly opened Shuuchiji and the other important administrators came there to hold an opening ceremony.
O: I have read the story you wrote in the bulletin "Kalimantan"(1).
K: Yes, I wrote it.
O: Was that in 1943?
K: I am not sure but maybe.
O: Were you left alone in Putussibau then?
K: Yes. We had big feasts for two nights with great deal of food and drinks before they returned to their position respectively. Then I was left alone there.
O: How many years were you totally there?
K: I am not sure but at least three years, I think.
O: How old are you now?
K: 76 years old.
O: If so....that was 28 years old.
K: Anyway I returned home at my age of 32. I was there for 2 or 3 years, I think.
O: You started your carrior at the Department of Foreign Affairs, didn't you?
K: Yes, at first my status was a secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs. After a year all of us was changed our statuses to secretaries belonging to the Navy.
O: Which university did you graduate from?
K: Chuo university.
O: What were your daily activities while you were in Putussibau?
K: I did not spend time in deskwork all the time. My official work was mainly done by the local secretaries. There were also local officers such as Guncho( head of sub-district ) and Keisatsushocho( police head ). Anyway I was not capable of handling documents written minutely in Indonesian. So I ordered a secretary to explain the document...just like, for instance, this is a letter of petition, before I admitted or not.
O: Could they handle Japanese or did both of you communicate in English?
K: No, they could not.
O: Communication in English?
K: No, in Indonesian.@Speaking Indonesian is quite different from written Indonesian. For example, "bertanya" in documentation is only "tanya" in speech. That's why I ordered my secretary to explain. Before I was delegated to Putussibau I had been in Banjarmasin for more than a year. Therefore, I think I could handle sufficient daily conversation in Indonesian. I comprehended my secretary's translation and then could decide Yes or No.
O: What were those documents for in the concrete?
K: I did not have any criminal case in documentation. The Police head took charge of insignificant quarrels or theft. Most of the documents were kinds of petition from the villages.
O: What kinds of petition were they? For instance, their houses were broken or?
K: Most of the cases were matters with the whole village. Insignificant or private matters were charged with Guncho. So I usually took charge of the matters covering with several sub-districts. But as I said earlier I did not have any criminal case.
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K: Are you acquainted with Mr. Palaunsoeka of this namecard?
O: Oh, this gentleman would be a Taman.
K: A Taman?
O: He is originally from Malapi village. Did you know him?
K: I am not sure. He let his acquaintance bring his namecard to me, sending his regards. His message was that he knew tuan Kawasaki quite well and he would warmly welcome if I visited him.
O: I have never met him but I have heard that he used to be a member of Senate.
K: So did I.
O: Was the man brought his namecard here Japanese?
K: Yes. He said he was living in Indonesia during W.W.II. After the war he often goes there. He handles metal or woods on business. He met Palaunsoeka at somewhere and was asked to bring me this message.
O: Let me contact with Mr. Palaunsoeka at Jakarta or at Pontianak.
K: Mr. Palaunsoeka seems to be either in Jakarta or in Pontianak. I was shown his picture and I certainly remember seeing him, but according to my memory at that time he was not known as this name. Now I wonder if he changed his name afterwards. The man in the picture was, I am not sure, but guru...guru Palau or...He was extremely fine.
O: According to my experience they have his pictures in the longuhouse of Malapi village.
K: Oh!
O: I have heard his face is not like Indonesian, but like Dutch.
K: He had long and not plain face. Now I guess the guru at that time is Mr. Palaunsoeka. You will be sure when you ask him.
O: I will ask him.
K: I am not able to go to see him because of my old age. Please send my best regards to him.
O: Yes, I see. Then let me hear your days of Putussibau. And who do you still remember well?
K: Is your second question concerned with Indonesians?
O: Any locals.
K: Relating to the first question there were no such great events. Only before I was delegated there anti-Japanese people were sentenced to death. That was, I think, the biggest incident we had around Pontianak.
O: Oh, is that what is called the Pontianak massacre?
K: Yes, that's right.
O: Were there any incident like that around Putussibau?
K: No. As I said earlier there were no criminal case. Yet...after I was succeeded by Mr. Honda I belonged to Pontianak headquarters. Then I was again appointed as a bunkenkanrikan of Semitau. At that time the atomosphere around Semitau was, I felt, a fluctuation. It is said that a Japanese bunkenkanrikan of Sintang or somewhere else was killed by Dayaks or someone else.
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O: What about your impression with the Dayaks because there are a lot of Dayaks around Putussibau?
K: The population there was overwhelmingly the Dayaks. There were few Indonesians. The Dayaks came in the office soon after I started my work. Guncho and my secretaries were mainly from the Malay but we also had a few Dayaks. I supposed that the Dayaks who were appointed as the officials were appreciably smart.
O: Do you still remember their names and addresses of the Dayaks?
K: I am not sure, but probably Mr. Palaunsoeka, guru Palau was one of them. In addition a boy named Oban( Ovaang )...Both of them were wise. I guess Oban would also have been great.
O: That will be made clear if I ask Mr. Palaunsoeka.
K: I guess both of them were from the same ethnic group.
O: What did that Oban work for?
K: He did administrative work.
O: I see. Some older people in Malapi village still remember you quite well. Did they have any opportunity to meet you, or did you keep intimate terms with them?
K: Dayaks from inland villages were usually accompanied by their village heads @ when they came to my office. They came with 10 to 14 or 15 people. Before coming they delivered their wish to see me through, for example, Oban. I always welcome them even in the daytime because I did not work all the day. We ate and drank together. I asked them what they wanted to have. They like to smoke, don't they? So they answered now they ran short of cigarettes or salt. Then I gave a bit from my stock. I think the story flew to the interior villages and they probably thought they could get their shortage if they came to see me. At first they came after Oban. But in the meantime, the village heads directly came and say " konnichiwa"( good afternoon ) from the front door, and I said "Welcome, come in".
O: Finally what was the most impressive thing while you were in Putussibau?
K: The thing I felt quite appaling whenever I recall is the rattan chair in the Putussibau office, placed in the balcony of the front door, which I think was already removed. There used to be remained the holes of bullet just at the back of the seat. In the begining I never knew the story but later I found that before a Dutch man was shot to death while seating there. My subordinates said they could remove it if I did not want to see any more, but I left it there, although I did not feel so comfortable because I thought I would be like that man if suddenly shot....I was most impressed, at thet time, with my friendship with the Dayaks. They often said, whenever we drank together, during the Dutch occupation they could never come up in the office but after the Japanese occupation they could come in and they felt mostly glad to eat and drink together. I felt pleased, too. I now somewhat complicated. I would really like to go and see them again while I am much afraid that my delightful recurrence will disappear if I return there. In this sence I can say I spent my young good days while I was there.
O: Thank you very much.
( NIHONGUN\bunkenkanrikan.txt )

From this source it is important to point out that he still remember the days of Putussibau as good and old days. His major recurrence is that he was surrounded by the people inhabiting there and spent days in drinking with them. In the last part of the interview he said, " They often said, whenever we drank together, during the Dutch occupation they could never come up in the office but after the Japanese occupation they could come in and they felt mostly glad to eat and drink together. I felt pleased, too." He continued to say that he would not return to the place because he didn't want to lose his old fine memories. Judging only from his memory Putussibau during the Japanese occupation was mildly dominated, or the reign was favourably welcomed. I can guess this is absolutely true to him, but apparently not always true to anyone else. Histrical facts cannot be easily attained as I have showed in the introductory section. But it will be fair to explore local views for the occupation in order to know the atmosphere around Putussibau during the war. Unfortunately his local assistants who he still remembers were dead. Instead, in the next section I am going to show my interviews with locals of the Upper Kapuas to look into the local present views for the occupation.

3. Local viewpoints for the Japanese occupation
In this section two interviews with Kalis men(2) will be demonstrated. First, Mr." S" will be focused. He experienced the occupation in the Upper Kapuas. The first time I met him he asked me how the former bunkenkanrikan Kawasaki was at present. The interview was held in 30 March 1994 at his house.
O: How old are you now?
S: 61 years old now.
O: Where were you staying then during W.W.II?
S: I was not staying at this village( Nanga Danau ), but studying, studying at Nanga Kalis and at Putussibau.
O: Were you studying at junior high then or?
S: I was studying at SD( primary school ), which was called SR then. I was studying at Nanga Kalis and at Putussibau for three years respectively. The primary education was for six years.
O: Let me hear your experience when Japanese occupied this region?
S: Japanese first came here when I was still studying in primary school in the year of 1942, untill 1945. Therefore I experienced the Japanese occupation. They occupied Putussibau or Kapuas Hulu district from 1942 to 1945. The occupation, if I am permitted to say( boleh dikatakan ), yes, because aimed at domination, if I consider all the behavior, if I am permitted to say, inflexible or ferocious. That is because the first time they came their intention was not to govern, but to battle. It was only three Japanese that first came to battle. They intended to explore and take control over Putussibau. Citizens there, if I am permitted to say, were occupied by the Japanese government. Then there were still Dutch occupying but they all ran away to the upper river region. Their destination was Samarinda. The Dutch who could not reach there were said to have been killed by the Punan. Obviously Japanese came into offices in Putussibau, or Putussibau town was occupied by Japanese. Occupied by theJapanese military. After Putussibau was recognized as one of the territory of Japan, the military returned to Pontianak. Accordingly people at Putussibau joined the Japanese government. At that time I was in Putussibau and I experienced such a situation for approximately four months, when, if I am permitted to say, a high-ranking official from Japan came to Putussibau to govern the region. That was the first time, if I am permitted to say, tuan bunkenkanrikan was delegated from there, Tokyo to announce the Japanese government. Besides, there used to be several Japanese companies such as a logging company and a mine company. Nomura Co.Ltd. held the mine. Nomura men's behaviours were rather hard. They liked to twist labours if they mistook. Yes, if I am permitted to say, they were fond of kicking trainees. A tuan logging company, however, were all right. The tuan bunkenkanrikan was the most finest indeed. Above all, we, primary school students, were on easy terms with him. He visited our school, talked to and asked, and then gave his greatest care to us so that we could make big progress. Each Japanese has his own position. He said, "You, young ones who are studying in school, work really hard and now change the ordinally courses to the Japanese courses!" At that time I was in the second year of the school, when I started studying Japanese language including Japanese characters. Our teacher was himself from here, but he had been trained as a Japanese teacher and he was capable of handling Japanese. There were also like those teachers who could handle Japanese quite well among locals in Putussibau. The bunkenkanrikan was always like that. Up to now I still remember the bunkenkanrikan quite well. He was so good. He did it real good to educate as well as to govern. More than a year after his government he returned to Pontianak. He was followed by the second bunkenkanrikan, whose name was Mr. Honda. But tuan Honda , compared with the one before, if I am permitted to say, more inflexible just like a sullen arbiter. But he never sentenced or offended people. So one year or maybe less than a year after his government, during the period of W.W.II, the country of Tokyo, if I am permitted to say, was shattered by the United States. Then it was announced that Japan was not going to take action against USA any more. Therefore tuan Honda went back to Pontianak. We asked and asked and found that tuan Honda was all right. And it was not long before we heard tuan bunkenkanrikan kawasaki had already reached his country. My experience was just like those. At first Japanese seemed vicious but it was done by the military indeed.
O: So were you much scared of Japanese at first?
S: I was scared because I was still a small boy. But in shcool teachers informed us that we might not be frighten of the Japanese bunkenkanrikan and masters of Japanese companies. They said Japanese there had much mercy upon school students. And we were indeed educated, if I am permitted to say, Japanese language and Japanese songs. We all formed a queue and were well disciplined. We put on Japanese style clothes and had white caps. When we left for school we always formed a queue and sang a song to raise our spirits. After Japanese left for their homeland the regulation was hold by Indonesians. But after a while Dutch came back again with an intention to control over the region. After about a year Indonesians got a hold of Putussibau. Such was my experience at the period of the Japanese occupation.
O: Were you directly acquainted with any Japanese?
S: No. The bunkenkanrikan possesed our school and talked directly to us, children. So we didn't feel frighten. He sometimes taught us how we could write Japanese characters. If I am permitted to say, when we met him in a street we regarded him as good indeed. We felt happy indeed. Above all the bunkenkanrikan Kawasaki was extremely fine. I still remember him well although I am old now. That's why I asked you if he is still alive, when you first came to me.
O: Yes. And have you ever had any rumors that Japanese badly acted with locals?
S: Yes. At first not in Kalimantan, but in Java they acted sternly. If I am permitted to say, excuse me, those were not just like human deed. There were those who were killed, slapped or tortued. I also heard the Pontianak massacre, but that kind of difficulty was never occurred in the Upper Kapuas. A number of elite, wealthy people and sultans in Pontianak were arrested and sentenced. That is the story. I did not observe by myself, but only heard it. If I am permitted to say, they aimed at having a control. Therefore they could not afford to pay attention to local opinions They, seem to me, had to do it sternly. If they had not acted sternly they could not have occupied the area. That is a story although I did not see it with my own eyes, but heard it indeed.
O: What about in the Upper Kapuas region?
S: There were no such cases. Labours employed by the Japanese miners were, however, in doubt about money. Those who offended labours were not Japanese but Indonesian locals. Some were arrested and were put to death. Because if the Japanese govornment had not killed them they would have done wrong. But around here there were never such cases.
O: Who were responsible for it?
S: They all died already. Mr. D. and guru A.. They were mad. At that time my elder brother went to Mandor. They had already been there and he ran away home because he was afraid. But it was not Japanese that directly tortued people in Mandor, but their employees.
O: Were they from outside of Kalimantan?
S: They were locals originally from here, Kapuas Hulu. They were employed by the Japanese. Japanese themselves were fine. Each Japanese was good indeed only if he made his own living. If they had done so they would have had a lot of trouble. Their ideas were not from their own. Unless they did so almost all died before they accomplished their purpose. Japanese themselves were great, but not all of them were fine. Here in Kapuas Hulu they never killed people. People still remember that the local employees ferociously acted.
O: At that time how many Japanese were living at Putussibau?
S: There were a master of agriculture, a master of logging, two masters of mine...4 or 5 Japanese were usually there. 2 or 3 temporarily came on business to Putussibau and soon returned to Pontianak. Perhaps 4 or 5 Japanese were there. The bunkenkanrikan was not accompanied by his wife, probably was he single? I am not sure.
( NIHONGUN\s.txt )

Japanese at first seemed to him to be ferocious because of their militant nature. In the meantime he found that Japanese did it real good to control the region. That kind of impression may principally stem from his particular memory of the bunkenkanrikan, whom he still remember quite well. Secondly, an interview with an older man will be showed. He used to be a village head at that time. Here I attempted to set my local assistant (" T" ) as the main interviewer. The language used was Indonesian mixed with the local language ( Kalis language ). The interview was held in 4th of April, 1994. " L" is an interviewee and" I" is his wife.
T: How old are you now?
L: 90 years old or nearly 100 years old. I don't have my old friends anymore except Pak Ngumbang.
O: How old were you during the Japanese occupation?
L: At that time I was appointed as the village head with my age of more than 30 years old. Then I was assigned as the Kepala Adat by the sub-district officer, who is dead.
T: Where were you living from 1942 to 45, during the Japanese occupation?
L: I did not stay here at this village because I went to Malaysia to find my living. Then I was assigned as the village head.
T: Have you heard Japanese bad behaviors among our people during the occupation?
L: At first all the village head were called up to assemble in Putussibau, in the office, when I for the first time saw Japanese and we were given a big feast. Those days we did'nt have salt and cigarettes. When we left there we were given salt and cigarettes by a Japanese whose official rank was high and big and tall. I was accompanied by a Japanese whose name was Nishida( pseudonym ). Is he still alive?
O: I am sorry I don't know.
L: He was looking for manpower here. He wanted to bring all the villagers along the Kalis river here. His body was not so big and his personality was fine. At that time there was no land route around here yet. Therefore we, together with Nishida, rowed a boat to come here. He gathered all the people who wanted to go to Patika. At that time I was a member of the Dayak party. He came with me. He got along with me and believed me. The man from Patika was pak A, who was usually called guru A.. He was accompanied by the other people to look for cows, chikens and pigs, with not two or three people but tens all.
O: With group.
L: I was working for Sumitomo company, I was employed by Sumitomo.
T: What did you work for?
L: I was working for the logging section at Batang Laban. 15 people who did not work at Patika followed me. They were from Pulau Jambu, Nanga Buanan, and Nanga Danau.
T: Did they pay?
L: We were paid indeed.
T: How much? Did they measure by the cubic or by the tree trunk?
L: By the cubic. But at that time there were no such big money. Even if we got millions of rupiah we could not buy any commodities. They did'nt sell cigarettes. I brought the trees to Sintang.
T: Did you work on duty or of your free will?
L: I was ordered or on duty.
T: Did they also pay for the labours at Patika?
L: Yes, they also paid. We fell the trees and then drifted the rafts to Sintang. At Sintang the trees were accepted by the company. We asked, "Trees have arleady reached here and do you want to buy them?" A Japanese official answered, " Yes, we'll surely buy." Japanese there were busy but they were never angry with me. In the night we went into a big house, where they had a big feast and they danced and sang delightfuly. We, the Dayak, drank indeed, while the Malay were always only looking from the balcony of the house. At the same time there appeared airplanes and all the people present there suddenly went home because of fear. Japanese thanked us because we brought there our musical instrunments.
T: Did you play the musical instrument while drifting rafts?
L: Japanese said that our musical instruments were fine, but they could make by themselves. Sumitomo people had no food problem. They had a big stock of salty or smoked fish. We were given sugar by the sack.
T: When drifting the rafts did you use motor engine?
L: No. We only used small boats. We hired a driver to Sintang with 150 Rp.. Those days people did'nt have any everyday clothes, while most of them had tree bark clothes. But we, people here, were not like those. We could prepare for such important commodities as clothes or salt beforehand. Salt was packed with 20 bags then. During the occupation of Nippon the Malay could not eat enough. But we, people here in the Kalis, never had any opportunity not to eat. We, however, ran short of cigarettes which costed 25 Rp.. In addition, from the Japanese period we started to develop our lives.
T: Have you had any hearsay that Japanese badly acted with locals?
L: No.
T: Who killed your cows, Japanese or Indonesian?
L: Indonesians. I was still working for a logging company at Batang Laban. Guru A, who I mentioned earlier, came here with many subordinates including the village head of Selimbau and my parent in law. At the moment I really wanted to kill them because they killed my cows. I cursed all of them.
T: Who actually killed your cows? Were they ordered by Japanese?
L: Pak guru A, he was not ordered.
O: Was guru A a worker employed by Japanese?
L: He was a messenger employed by Japanese. My cows were big and fat. They should have asked me if I could supply or not. They killed my cows behind my back. The moment they carried my cows I cut the carrying pole with my chopping knife untill the cows fell. I was considerably patient. But my brothers was so brave...During the Japanese occupation somewhere all the family members might be killed. I was so scared.
T: Were threre anything else they brought from you?
L: They did'nt. They straightly went home. Pak A used to be my friend. I: We told him not to speak with him.
L: They were apparently ordered and sent to my region to buy meat, but they tried to utilize their good opportunity.
T: And what was batu tunggau for?
L: They said that was used for the war. I also wanted to go to Patika, but Pak Temenggung Layang and Mr. Nishida did not permit me. So Mr. Nishida was much capable of handling Indonesian and appeared to be still young. O: Were you acquainted with the bunkankanrikan?
L: Oh, Pak bunken, whose body was big and tall. He was fine and attractive.
O: Was his name Kawasaki?
L: We met him before, maybe he is old now.
O: Thank you very much.
@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ @@@@@@ ( NIHONGUN\l.txt )

Mr. L was working for a logging section of a Japanese company and still remember his Japanese boss, Mr. Nishida quite well, although he is very old now. He also demonstrated during the interview that a Malay man employed by Japanese robbed him of his valuable cows and Japanese were not responsible for it but the Malay man. His memory for the Japanese occupation was intensively overlapped in this experience.
These are only two of my interviews. The other interviews are structurally like these. It means that those interviews are usually coloured rather by their positive attitudes on the Japanese occupation, although most of the interviewees expressed their fear for the Japanese occupation. They tended to demonstrate the stories more gently( for example, insert euphemistic phrases such as "if I am permitted to say" or "excuse me" ), or express their good impressions mostly. In addition, I started my field research from last January 1994 on the Kalis Dayak in the Mandai basin. The Kalis village I have been staying up to now is located about 40 kilometers south of the district capital, Putussibau. Untill now I have never had the story that Japanese are/were unpleasantly rough people from them. The stories, if I am informally given, are also structurally like those demonstrated above.

From a collection of my data, at first sight( i.e. sporken parts of the interviews are not yet analysed as I will attempt in the following section ) it may be concluded that the Japanese occupation was preferably accepted, at least around Putussibau by locals. Therefore if I summarized a time of the occupation in West Kalimantan into a phrase in my ethnographic essay I could propose to describe just like followings. Although the Japanese colonialists committed atrocious massacre around Pontianak, they were partly welcomed by the locals in the interior region. In other words, the Japanese colonialists in the interior region as a whole established a good relationship with locals, although some of them caused the massacre in the capital city. But is this kind of phrase naturally accpeted by readers, particularly by Western readers? Phrases written by Westerners usually contradict with those remarks based on my experiences. In the following section this issue will be examined.

4. Contextual reasoning of informants
Here I shall limit my discussion within the writings on the topic in West Kalimantan. Firstly, I will return to the ethnographic writing of Bernstein exemplified in the introductory section. He carried out his research on the Taman, who live several kilometers upstream of Putussibau, from 1985 to 1988. Here I repeat his writing, "From 1942 to 1945 the Japanese controlled Borneo; their reign was universally characterized by my older informants as vicious and barbalic." This remark completely contradicts with my own experiences. Obviously I also had brief contact with the Taman( mainly of Malapi village ) in 1988 and 1991, totally for two months, and I am still on visiting terms with them. Yet As far as I am concerned I have never had such stories as Bernstein presented. To put it short Taman never characterized the Japanese colonialists as vicious and barbalic to me, but rather as Asian companion who share the same rice culture. How different his older informants and my older informants are! To my regret Bernstein never gave any concrete example of the informant's words. But I believe that his remark was according to what people talked to him. I am not saying that his writing is not true, but rather that our informants talked about the occupation differently. In consequence I may construe the difference between his writing and my experiences as a result of the difference of the talk of informants. My supposition is that informants might contextually manipulate their expressions.

Secondly, another remark will be focused to examine this supposition. In response to my research proposal( 1993 ) Dr. Allen Drake wrote me and noted "The Mualang Hulu of the Belitang River area represent the Japanese occupation as a time of terror and great hardship. Trade was susupended, their firearms were taken from them, they were beaten by the troops, their Christian churches were closed, and the missionary church workers were interned in prison camps where some died. In this context of fear the rumor spread that it was the intention of the Japanese to kill everyone over the age of 12 years to efficiently establish a society and culture more suitable for the conquerors."( 1994 ) I do not know exactly if those kinds of incident occurred or not. But the statements represented as such is more important to me. I believe that his remark was based on what he was told. Here again I wonder how different his informants and my informants are, although a simple comparison is problematic because of the living distance between the Mualang and the Kalis. Then he also gave me a intriguing remark, "It sounds to me as if your preliminary investigation on this topic( of the Japanese occupation ) revealed how uncomfortable the Dayaks are in talking about the "brutal" occupation with a Japanese anthropologist." I was really amazed at this comment because a Japanese would never have such an idea. But this would be a big clue to my supposition. At a first grance it sounded to me he meant that a Japanese could never have any opportunity to hear the Japanese uncivilized behaviors. Does it mean a Japanese could not attain the reality of the people studied concerning this topic? No! What he meant was Dayaks might avoid talking of the brutal occupation with a Japanese. It means to me that informants might manipulate their stories in response to the cultural background of the observer/anthropologist. It can be pointed out that informants might contextually manipulate their tones of the stories on the topic according as which the anthropologist is, a Japanese or a non-Japanese/ Westerners.(3)

Here I will return to my interview data presented in the last section to explore my supposition from local speeches. The contents of the first interview with "S" will be briefly analysed on how he constructed his phrases. Firstly, during the interview he even demonstrated his sympathy for the Japanese military and said "if Japanese had not acted sternly they could not occupied the area". This remark is worthy to be considered. The important point is that this kind of phrase is rather close to the Japanese own ideas. His people would never have such kinds of phrases if talked about the occupation among themselves. Those phrases were possibly employed when he or his people was/were in the face of a Japanese. He seemed to attempt to manipulate his informations on the topic to a Japanese face. Secondly, according to him, "It is not Japanese that directly tortued people in Mandor, but their employees( Indonesians )". And he emphasized "People still remember that local employees ferociously acted", although he admitted the Japanese inflexibility or ferocity. Thus it may be observed that he ingeniously attempted to avoid criticizing the Japanese behaviors straightly. Thirdly, he frequently used "if I am permitted to say/if I may say( boleh dikatakan )"( totally eleven times during the twenty-minute interview ). His intention was to soften his expressions. In short, he might contextually alter his expressions on the topic.(4)

As we have seen so far my own experiences with locals on the occupation was entirely different from the phrases written mainly by Westerners. But I eventually found that the difference between "Japanese were welcomed" and "Japanese were brutal" is resulting from informants' manipulation of the expressions on the topic. This remark certainly contains a critical issue in attempting to represent local viewpoints for the occupation in ethnographic notes. As we have seen informants could contextually alter their attitudes on the historical matters in accordance with their inquirers/anthropologists. Regarding the topic, informants might present his ideas with softer voices if the anthropologist were a Japanese. On the contrary if the anthropologist were from Western country the informant might possibly say that the Japanese were brutal and vicious all ends up. Thus this contextual reasoning of informants contains a big problem of what every anthropologist is universally confronted with before he interprets the data given by his informants. What is needed most is to pay much attention to contextual reasoning of informants on some particular topics such as the Japanese occupation. This epistemological kind of problem must be reconsidered in writing ethnographies.

5. Conclusion
In the second section, an interview with a former bunkenkanrikan of the Upper Kapuas was showed. His observations will be also of some use in formulating precise problems for history around Putussibau. In the third section, two interview data with the Kalis Dayak were demonstrated. From a collection of data it was possible to say that a Japanese antropologist would positively describe the Japanese presence during the W.W.II; The Japanese colonialists in West Kalimantan generally established good relationship with locals in interior regencies, although some of them caused atrocious massacre in the capital city. On the other hand, descriptions on the Japanese occupation by Westerners usually appear quite contrary; The Japanese presence is generally represented as vicious or brutal. In the fourth section the issue was explored. My tentative conclusion is that this difference results from informants' possible manipulation of the expressions on the topic. In other words, informants might contextually manipulate their presentations. Informants are inclined not to talk of the Japanese brutal behaviors to a Japanese anthropologist, but to present the Japanese viciousness easily to a non-Japanese anthroplogist.

This issue must be more precisely reconsidered in representing the Japanese presence of Kalimantan( Borneo ) in ethnographic writings. A further attempt at the issue will not only promote us to reconsider historical descriptions in ethnographic writings, but also lead us to explore characteristics of ethnographic writings produced in interaction between anthrologists and informants. As I have already noted, we must pay considerable attention to contextual reasoning of informants. Thus it is because of contextual reasoning of informants that my experiences given by locals( my interpretation ) on the Japanese occupation are different from some Westerners' remarks( their interpretations ). ( Similarly, there is every probability that a Dutch anthropologist might be given different stories on the Dutch occupation by an informant in Kalimantan from a Japanese anthropologist; an English anthropologist might be orally given different history on the Brooke era by some Iban informants of Sarawak from a Japanese anthropologist; etc ). This would be prominently an issue generated before an anthropologist's interpretation on some peculiar topics. Importantly it is only after a Japanese could find out the difference of representation on the topic that contextual reasoning of informants was disclosed. What is revealed at the same time is that as a matter of fact informants construct or reconstruct the reality of the information with their anthropologist at the very moment of interview; not only pre-arranged one but spontaneous one. In this sence information is a product of interaction between an anthropologist and the informants before the anthropologist's interpretation.

Notes
(1)The bulletin was published two times in the 1980's by Minami-Boruneo-kai( South Borneo Association ), which is a club association for both officials and civilians formerely stayed in West and South ( including Central ) Kalimantan during W.W.II.
(2)Some 3,000 Kalis people inhabit an area along the Kalis river of Kecamatan Mandai, Kabupaten Kapuas Hulu. The Kalis has been known as one of the ethnic entity of the "Maloh".( see King 1985 )
(3)There are some ethnographers who do not write much on the topic. Professor Victor T. King wrote on the Embaloh "...it appears that the Maloh remained relatively untouched during the period 1942-5"( 1985 ).
(4)During the interview with "L" he expressed his fear for the Japanese presence but never referred to the concrete examples of the Japanese stern behaviors. It is not certain only from this source to trail his intended manipulation of expressions.

References
Bernstein, Jay H.
1991 Taman Ethnomedicine: The Social Organization of Sickness and Medical Knowledge in the Upper Kapuas. University of California, Berkeley. Ph.D. Dissertation
Drake, Allen
1994 Personal Correspondence
Izeki, Tsuneo
1987 Nishi Boruneo Juumin Gyakusatsu Jiken( The Massacre of West Borneo ). Fuji Publishing: Tokyo
King, Victor T.
1985 The Maloh of West Kalimantan: An Ethnographic Study of Social Inequality and Social Change among an Indonesian Borneo People. Foris Publication: Dordrecht-Holland
Okuno, Katsumi
1993 Research into Belief Systems and Social History of the Kalis Dayak, West Kalimantan. Unpublished manuscript.

Kristianus 'Atok': Instilling nonviolence via education

The Jakarta Post
Tuesday, July 25, 2006
Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Pontianak

During his childhood, Kristianus "Atok" lived in the village of Setom, Hulu District, Landak Regency, West Kalimantan, where about 70 percent of its 200 population were Madurese. He was an indigenous Catholic Dayak, yet he mingled with the Muslim Madurese children very well. "Just as with any other kids, I played excitedly with them. "I had several good Madurese friends of whom I have unforgettable memories," Atok recalled during a recent discussion. It was organized by the International Center for Islam and Pluralism in collaboration with the European Commission and the Forum for Interfaith and Cultural Dialog of Borneo, in Pontianak.

It is because of this that Atok felt extremely uncomfortable when the Madurese were forced to leave the village during the escalated tension between Madurese and Dayaks in the 1980s. There were several physical attacks against the Madurese and their property as they were usually stereotyped as aggressive and economically dominant. The Madurese gradually left the village, sold their land and resettled in Pontianak or other areas. Atok lost his Madurese friends. But the ethnic unrest, mainly between the Dayaks and Madurese, flared again in 1999 and was recorded as one of the most massive conflicts in the island; it saw roughly 15,000 Madurese flee to Madura. The conflict started when a group of Madurese stabbed two Dayak teenagers in 1996; this was followed by thousands of Dayaks running amok in the western districts of West Kalimantan, destroying much Madurese business property, including crops and market stalls.

The ethnic tensions are generally attributable to the opening up of the forest for immigration programs, plus logging, mining and trading, which have resulted in increased competition for skilled jobs in the province and have pushed Dayaks to the margins. However, the image that the indigenous Dayaks are inferior and unskilled began to be portrayed during the colonial period of the Dutch and was intensified during the New Order government with its massive development approach. Atok joined a non-governmental organization (NGO) that was concerned with the empowerment of Dayaks during his time as a student in the agriculture faculty at the University of Tanjungpura. However, he resigned as he felt uncomfortable with the single-ethnic orientation of the organization. He completed his master's degree in sociology from the same university, writing a thesis titled Social interaction among the Dayaks and Madurese in Sebangki District. After the 1999 riot, he and other concerned intellectuals representing a variety of ethnic groups initiated a civil society community meeting that included student, NGO and women activists. They set up an NGO, Nusantara Empowerment of People-Forest-Reefs Foundation (YPPN), on August 20, 2000. It was a multiethnic body with the vision of promoting democracy based on wisdom, equality and plurality; Atok was elected as its chairman. YPPN is currently preoccupied with activities concerning the strengthening of fragmented society. "We shall never be able to preserve our natural resources or make use of them professionally and responsibly if people are fragmented and keep fighting or competing for their share by any means," said Atok. Collaborating with other institutions and funding agencies such as Frederich Naumann Stiftung, TIFA and Cordaid, YPPN has run a wide range of programs. These include a network for nonviolent community action, a study of traditional land tenure rights and a community seed bank. Also covered have been multiethnic community facilitation, training for community leaders and for radio coverage of the 2004 general election, joint economic and cultural activities, a kampong library and education that stresses nonviolence. Asked which program he thought the most rewarding, he answered nonviolence education, which involves 30 senior high schools from three regencies: Landak, Bengkayang and Pontianak. Activities in the program include camping, a children's jamboree and intercultural visits. He recalled that during the visits some students were asked to stay with families of different ethnicity. Some Dayak students cried, as they were so terrified that the Madurese would be rude or hurt them." "But it turned out that the Dayak students and the Madurese families got along together very smoothly during the three-day stay. They shared jokes and often burst into laughter. "The stereotypes seem to be gradually broken down -- it had to start with children because their involvement from a young age has a long-term impact in the future," said Atok who was born on Aug 28, 1966, and is married to Magdalena. They have three children. Indeed, Atok's fond childhood memories of good relations with Madurese friends may still linger, but expanding this to wider communities that are dogged with entrenched stereotypes and prejudices requires patience and much hard work by all parties concerned. "I cannot do it alone," Atok observed.

SYAIR KHUSUS BUAT KASIM

SYAIR UNTUK SEORANG PETANI DARI WAIMITAL, PULAU SERAM, YANG PADA HARI INI PULANG KE ALMAMATERNYA (dari Kembalikan Indonesia Kepadaku) 1979

I
Dia mahasiswa tingkat terakhir
ketika di tahun 1964
pergi ke pulau Seram
untuk tugas membina masyarakat tani di sana.
Dia menghilang 15 tahun lamanya.
Orangtuanya di Langsa memintanya pulang.
IPB memanggilnya untuk merampungkan studinya, tapi semua sia- sia.

II
Dia di Waimital jadi petani
Dia menyemai benih padi
Orang-orang menyemai benih padi
Dia membenamkan pupuk di bumi
Orang-orang membenamkan pupuk di bumi
Dia menggariskan strategi irigasi
Orang-orang menggali tali air irigasi
Dia menakar klimatologi hujan
Orang-orang menampung curah hujan
Dia membesarkan anak cengkeh
Orang kampung panen raya kebun cengkeh
Dia mengukur cuaca musim kemarau
Orang-orang jadi waspada makna bencana kemarau
Dia meransum gizi sapi Bali
Orang-orang menggemukkan sapi Bali
Dia memasang fondasi tiang lokal sekolah
Orang-orang memasang dinding dan atapnya
Dia mengukir alfabet dan mengamplas angka-angka
Anak desa jadi membaca dan menyerap matematika
Dia merobohkan kolom gaji dan karir birokrasi
Kasim Arifin, di Waimital Jadi petani.

III
Dia berkaus oblong
Dia bersandal jepit
Dia berjalan kaki 20 kilo sehari
Sesudah meriksa padi
Dan tata palawija Sawah dan ladang
Orang-orang desa Dia melintas hutan
Dia menyeberang sungai Terasa kelepak elang
Bunyi serangga siang
Sengangar tengah hari
Cericit tikus bumi
Teduh pohonan rimba
Siang makan sagu
Air sungai jernih
Minum dan wudhukmu
Bayang-bayang miring
Siul burung tekukur
Bunga alang-alang
Luka-luka kaki
Angin sore-sore
Mandi gebyar-gebyur
Simak suara azan
Jamaah menggesek bumi
Anak petani mengaji
Ayat-ayat alam
Anak petani diajarnya
Logika dan matematika
Lampu petromaks bergoyang
Angin malam menggoyang
Kasim merebah badan
Di pelupuh bambu
Tidur tidak berkasur.

IV
Dia berdiri memandang ladang-ladang
Yang ditebas dari hutan rimba
Di kakinya terjepit sepasang sandal
Yang dipakainya sepanjang Waimital
Ada bukit-bukit yang dulu lama kering
Awan tergantung di atasnya
Mengacungkan tinju kemarau yang panjang
Ada bukit-bukit yang kini basah
Dengan wana sapuan yang indah
Sepanjang mata memandang
Dan perladangan yang sangat panjang
Kini telah gembur, air pun berpacu-pacu
Dengan sepotong tongkat besar, tiga tahun lamanya
Bersama puluhan transmigran
Ditusuk-tusuknya tanah kering kerontang
Dikais-kaisnya tanah kering kerontang
Dan air pun berpacu-pacu
Delapan kilometer panjangnya
Tanpa mesin-mesin, tiada anggaran belanja
Mengairi tanah 300 hektar luasnya
Kulihat potret dirimu, Sim, berdiri di situ Muhammad Kasim Arifin, di sana,
Berdiri memandang ladang-ladang
Yang telah dikupasnya dari hutan rimba
Kini sekawanan sapi Bali mengibas-ngibaskan ekor
Di padang rumput itu Rumput gajah yang gemuk-gemuk
Sayur-mayur yang subur-subur
Awan tergantung di atas pulau Seram
Dikepung lautan biru yang amat cantiknya
Dari pulau itu, dia telah pulang
Dia yang dikabarkan hilang Lima belas tahun lamanya
Di Waimital Kasim mencetak harapan
Di kota kita mencetak keluhan
(Aku jadi ingat masa kita diplonco Dua puluh dua tahun yang lalu)
Dan kemarin, di tepi kali Ciliwung aku berkaca
Kulihat mukaku yang keruh dan leherku yang berdasi
Kuludahi bayanganku di air itu karena rasa maluku
Ketika aku mengingatmu, Sim
Di Waimital engkau mencetak harapan
Di kota, kami ...
Padahal awan yang tergantung di atas Waimital, adalah Awan yang tergantung di atas kota juga
Kau kini telah pulang Kami memelukmu.

[Catatan: Bagian IV puisi ini saya bacakan pada hari wisuda Institut Pertanian Bogor di kampus Darmaga, Sabtu, 22 September 1979, sesudah M. Kasim Arifin menerima gelar Insinyur Pertanian. Sebelumnya, Kasim yang sudah 15 tahun dikabarkan hilang, tapi ternyata menanam akar di Waimital enggan memenuhi panggilan Rektor Prof. Dr. Ir. Andi Hakim Nasoetion. Pada kali ketiga kedatangan utusan Rektor, yaitu sahabatnya Saleh Widodo, baru Kasim mau datang ke Bogor. Dia terharu karena penghargaan alma maternya, tapi pada hakekatnya dia tidak memerlukan gelar akademik. Pada hari wisuda itu Kasim yang berbelas tahun berkaus oblong dan bersandal jepit saja, kegerahan karena mengenakan jas, dasi dan sepatu, hadiah patungan sahabat-sahabatnya. Mahasiswa-mahasiswa IPB mengerubunginya selalu dan mengaguminya sebagai teladan keikhlasan pengamalan ilmu pertanian di pedesaan. Berbagai tawaran pekerjaan disampaikan padanya, tapi dia kembali lagi ke desa Waimital sesudah wisuda. Baru sesudah itu dia menerima pekerjaan sebagai dosen di Universitas Syiah Kuala, Banda Aceh, di tanah asalnya. Tawaran meninjau pertanian di Amerika Serikat ditolaknya. Ketika ditanya kenapa kesempatan jalan-jalan ke A.S. itu tak diterimanya, sambil tertawa Kasim berkata bahwa pertama-tama jangankan bahasa Inggeris, bahasa Indonesianya saja sudah banyak lupa. Kemudian yang penting lagi, katanya, apa manfaatnya meninjau pertanian di sana, yang berbeda sekali dengan pertanian kita di sini. Kesempatan meninjau sambil liburan tamasya ke A.S. itu tak menarik hatinya].

LEBIH JAUH DENGAN "Antua" Kasim Arifin

DIA di Waimital jadi petani/ Dia menyemai benih padi/ Orang-orang menyemai benih padi/ Dia membenamkan pupuk di bumi/ Orang-orang membenamkan pupuk di bumi/ Dia menggariskan strategi irigasi/ Orang-orang menggali tali air irigasi/ Dia menakar klimatologi hujan/ Orang-orang menampung curah hujan/ Dia membesarkan anak cengkeh/ Orang kampung panen raya kebun cengkeh//

Penggalan puisi di atas ditulis Taufiq Ismail pada tahun 1979, menggambarkan sosok Moehd Kasim Arifin, mahasiswa tingkat terakhir Fakultas Pertanian, yang membenamkan diri selama 15 tahun bersama warga transmigran di Pulau Seram, Maluku. Sebagai peserta program Pengerahan Tenaga Mahasiswa (PTM) untuk menyosialisasikan Panca Usaha Tani, Kasim dengan gigih dan tanpa pamrih mengajarkan cara bercocok tanam kepada warga Desa Waimital. Kasim membangkitkan swadaya masyarakat membangun Waimital, membuka jalan desa, mencetak sawah, membuat irigasi, tanpa sepeser pun dana dari pemerintah. Kebersahajaan, kedermawanan, dan kelembutan tutur katanya membangkitkan rasa hormat penduduk setempat kepadanya. Ia pun disapa sebagai Antua (sapaan untuk orang yang dihormati di Maluku).

Ia baru tergerak untuk kembali ke almamaternya setelah tiga kali Rektor Institut Pertanian Bogor (IPB) Prof Dr Ir Andi Hakim Nasution mengirim utusan menjemputnya ke Waimital. Pada hari wisuda, 22 September 1979, Kasim menerima gelar insinyur istimewa.
Kisah perjalanan hidup Kasim selama di Waimital hingga kembali ke Kampus Darmaga kemudian ditulis oleh jurnalis Hanna Rambe dalam sebuah buku berjudul Seorang Lelaki di Waimital (Penerbit Sinar Harapan: 1983).

Ketika kemudian pulang ke kampung halamannya, Aceh, ia diterima sebagai staf pengajar Fakultas Pertanian Universitas Syiah Kuala. Di samping mengajar, ia aktif mengelola Pusat Studi Lingkungan yang ia dirikan bersama beberapa rekannya. "Saya diminta jadi dosen, padahal saya ingin terus bertani," ujarnya. Ia pensiun dengan golongan III-C pada tahun 1994.
Setelah lepas dari kesibukan kampus, penerima penghargaan Kalpataru tahun 1982 itu bergabung dalam Unit Manajemen Leuser (UML) sebagai tenaga lapangan. Tugasnya antara lain memberikan penyuluhan kepada masyarakat di Kawasan Ekosistem Leuser agar ikut menjaga kelestarian lingkungan hidup.

Apa yang mendorong Anda tetap konsisten dalam kegiatan konservasi?
Saya melihat sumber daya alam yang tersedia tidak pernah bertambah, malah semakin berkurang. Populasi manusia yang semakin besar dengan ketergantungan yang amat besar pula terhadap sumber daya alam untuk kelangsungan hidupnya mengakibatkan terjadinya tekanan terhadap sumber daya alam itu.

(Kasim lalu memperlihatkan catatan berisi angka-angka laju kerusakan hutan di Indonesia, yang mencapai rata-rata tiga juta hektar per tahun. Lebih detail lagi, Kasim menghitung laju kerusakan hutan per detik, yang menunjukkan angka 965 meter persegi. Khusus di Provinsi Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam saja, laju kerusakan hutannya rata-rata 200.000 hektar per tahun atau 62,23 meter persegi per detik).

Dengan laju kerusakan hutan yang begitu besar, ternyata rehabilitasi hutan hanya rata-rata 70.000 hektar per tahun. Sementara pertambahan penduduk yang rata-rata tiga juta jiwa per tahun pada kenyataannya justru mempercepat laju kerusakan hutan, bukan memperbesar rehabilitasi hutan.

Mengapa rehabilitasi hutan tidak mampu mengimbangi laju kerusakan hutan?
Ya, karena itu tadi. Manusia hanya mengeksploitasi hutan, tetapi tidak punya kepedulian untuk merehabilitasi.

Memang banyak program rehabilitasi yang dicanangkan pemerintah. Akan tetapi, apakah itu efektif dalam pelaksanaannya di lapangan? Kalau hanya fiktif? Kalaupun (rehabilitasi hutan) itu benar-benar dikerjakan, itu pun belum mampu menutupi kerusakan hutan yang terus berlangsung setiap hari.
Pekerjaan menanam pohon di hutan memerlukan suatu strategi yang mantap, dan itu belum terlaksana hingga saat ini.

Maksud Anda?
Kegiatan rehabilitasi hutan memerlukan orang-orang yang mau bekerja di hutan dan rela tinggal jauh dari jangkauan komunikasi. Dan itu jumlahnya sangat sedikit. Maka yang terjadi, bibit pohon ditanam lalu ditinggalkan. Itu pun tidak sampai ke kawasan hutan yang jauh, hanya yang dekat-dekat saja.
Bibit pohon yang ditanam harus dirawat minimal hingga usia lima tahun, baru bisa ditinggalkan. Tetapi yang terjadi adalah rehabilitasi dimulai dengan seremoni yang meriah, lalu diserahkan kepada alam untuk memeliharanya.
Apakah itu berarti Gerakan Nasional Rehabilitasi Hutan dan Lahan yang dicanangkan Presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri di Yogyakarta, Januari 2004, akan bernasib sama?
Saya rasa kalau dibilang iya, iya..., kalau dibilang tidak, ya... tahu sama tahulah. Sebab, kalau (penanaman pohon) itu tidak dikerjakan bisa saja. Buktinya bisa kita lihat di lapangan, yang ditanami hanya tempat-tempat tertentu yang mudah dijangkau untuk ditinjau pejabat.
Bayangkan kalau misalnya yang harus ditanami luasnya 70.000 hektar, lokasinya jauh dan sulit ditempuh karena kondisi jalan rusak parah. Untuk menembus ke sana orang-orang pasti enggan, maka dianggap saja sudah dikerjakan.

Bagaimana seharusnya menebus satu pohon yang ditebang agar keseimbangan alam tetap terjaga?
Kalau bisa menebang, semestinya bisa menanam juga. Tetapi yang terjadi adalah hutan pasti ditebangi, tetapi tidak ada kepastian penanaman kembali.
Perlu diketahui bahwa penanaman kembali tidak akan mengembalikan alam pada kondisi semula. Hutan yang kita lihat sekarang adalah ciptaan Tuhan yang usianya di atas ratusan tahun, bahkan jutaan tahun. Ketika pohon-pohonnya kita tebangi, ekosistem pasti terganggu. Lahan yang tadinya tertutup kanopi pepohonan menjadi terbuka sehingga akan terjadi proses macam-macam, seperti erosi dan kemusnahan flora dan fauna yang tadinya hidup di areal tersebut. Untuk memulihkannya, butuh waktu ratusan tahun dan tidak mungkin lagi kembali menjadi hutan perawan.
Pemerintah sudah bikin pola tebang pilih hutan Indonesia. Artinya, menebang yang sudah cukup umur dengan ukuran diameter tertentu dan setelah itu menanam kembali. Akan tetapi itu tidak terjadi karena lemahnya penegakan hukum di negara kita ini.

Apa akibat dari penggundulan hutan itu?
(Ingatan Kasim lalu menerawang pada masa ia kuliah, tahun 1957, di Fakultas Pertanian Universitas Indonesia-bakal Institut Pertanian Bogor. Ia teringat pada dosennya, Prof Lundquist, warga Swedia yang ahli tanaman tropika).
Suatu hari Prof Lundquist menjelaskan kepada saya. Sim, katanya, daerah Anda ini daerah tropika yang sangat kaya flora dan fauna. Tetapi daerah Anda ini macam begini... (Kasim menunjukkan puncak kepalan tangannya) bergunung-gunung dengan lembah dan jurang. Ini berarti sedikitnya 30 persen permukaan Bumi di Indonesia harus ditutupi tumbuhan agar tidak terjadi erosi.
Jika kurang dari 30 persen, apalagi bila kawasan di hulu sungai sudah gundul, akan mengakibatkan musnahnya lapisan tanah untuk penyerapan air. Dengan begitu, tidak semua air terserap oleh tanah dan akhirnya mengalir deras ke bawah. Hutan tropika yang gundul akan menghancurkan serasah atau karpet tanah dan kehidupan mikroba.
Pada tanah terdapat serasah seumpama hamparan permadani yang berfungsi menyerap air. Cacing-cacing dan berbagai mikroba hidup dalam tanah dan membuat lubang ke permukaan tanah untuk mencari makanan. Berjuta-juta lubang membantu peresapan air ke dalam tanah. Proses peresapan alami itu tidak terjadi lagi di hutan gundul, sebab lapisan serasahnya tidak ada lagi. Rusaknya serasah mematikan cacing dan mikroba sekaligus membuat pori-pori tanah tertutup. Daya ikat tanah menurun mengakibatkan longsor.

PERTENGAHAN Maret lalu Kasim menelusuri ruas jalan Ladia Galaska, antara Pinding dan Lokop, yang pembangunannya memicu kontroversi. Ia salah seorang anggota tim terpadu yang ditugaskan pemerintah untuk mengkaji ruas jalan yang masih bermasalah itu.
Meski harus berjalan kaki berkilo-kilo meter keluar-masuk hutan dan perkampungan, Kasim yang memasuki usia 66 tahun (lahir di Langsa, Aceh Timur, 18 April 1938) tidak tampak kelelahan. "Pekerjaan saya memang seperti ini. Tahun 1960-an saya pernah melintasi jalur ini sampai ke Lokop," ungkapnya kepada Kompas saat istirahat makan siang di tepi sebuah sungai kecil.
Kawasan itu memang tidak asing lagi bagi Kasim yang bertugas sebagai Manajer Perwakilan Lapangan UML di Langsa, dengan wilayah kerja meliputi Kabupaten Aceh Tengah, Aceh Utara, Aceh Timur, dan Aceh Tamiang.

Faktor apa yang paling menekan Kawasan Ekosistem Leuser?
Penebangan liar yang dibiayai pihak-pihak luar dengan memanfaatkan masyarakat lokal sebagai pekerja penebangan. Jadi praktik itu terencana oleh orang-orang berduit untuk meraup keuntungan lebih besar dari kayu-kayu itu tanpa mengeluarkan modal banyak. Sementara masyarakat sekitar yang butuh makan dipakai sebagai buruh saja.
Karena lemahnya penegakan hukum, yang sering kali menjadi tertuduh hanya orang kecil. Sementara cukong-cukong kayu itu tidak tersentuh.

Bagaimana dengan proyek jalan Ladia Galaska yang dituding sebagai ancaman terhadap Kawasan Ekosistem Leuser?
Belum ada data yang kuat untuk mengatakan seberapa besar dampak kerusakan lingkungan yang akan disebabkan oleh Ladia Galaska. Akan tetapi, dari pengalaman di berbagai tempat, dengan adanya jalan biasanya akan memacu orang untuk mengeluarkan sumber daya alam. Sebab satu ruas jalan yang dibuka akan diikuti dengan pembuatan cabang-cabang jalan. Itu akan mempermudah akses untuk mengambil kayu-kayu yang ada di hutan.
Mengapa sejumlah organisasi nonpemerintah menentang pembangunan jalan Ladia Galaska?
Kami tidak menentang pembangunan jalan yang tidak melewati kawasan konservasi. Jadi hanya ruas Ladia Galaska yang melewati hutan lindung yang kami minta supaya dikaji kembali.
Suatu daerah yang terdaftar sebagai hutan lindung, pemanfaatannya diatur oleh undang-undang. Tidak boleh sembarangan membikin jalan di situ. Dan harus ada dokumen amdal (analisis mengenai dampak lingkungan), yang menunjukkan apakah layak atau tidak layak suatu jalan dibangun di situ.

Bukankah sudah ada amdal untuk Ladia Galaska?
Betul ada. Tetapi ibaratnya masakan, cara memasaknya kurang pas sehingga masakannya kurang enak. Amdal itu harus "dimasak" oleh orang-orang yang profesional sehingga mampu memprediksi apa dampak lingkungannya pada masa yang akan datang. Jangan dibuat sekadar saja.
Analisis dalam amdal yang ada sekarang itu lucu-lucu. Misalnya ada jenis hewan yang dikatakan hidup di sana, padahal tidak ada. Itu kan aneh. Dari mana dia dapat data itu.
Berkaitan dengan proyek Ladia Galaska, kaum konservasionis dianggap hanya peduli dengan flora dan fauna, tetapi mengabaikan manusianya. Apa tanggapan Anda?
Orang yang mengatakan seperti itu tidak mengerti konservasi. Pejabat-pejabat itu kalau diundang kursus tentang konservasi, yang dikirim hanya stafnya yang kroco-kroco. Si Kroco ini, setelah ikut kursus, tidak berani menyampaikan laporan hasil kursusnya kepada atasannya. Akhirnya Si Pejabat, karena tidak mengerti konservasi, omongannya terbalik-balik begitu.
Konservasi itu pada dasarnya memang untuk menjaga kelestarian lingkungan hidup yang berisi flora dan fauna. Akan tetapi intinya untuk menyelamatkan manusia juga. Sebab kehancuran lingkungan akan berdampak pada kesengsaraan manusia.
Kenapa pemerintah membuat aturan soal hutan lindung? (Kali ini nada suara Kasim meninggi). Kenapa tidak marah kepada Pemerintah Indonesia yang mengeluarkan peraturan itu?
Tanpa aturan hukum, rakyat kita akan dibodohi terus tujuh turunan. Lihat saja, ketika ada bantuan pangan untuk pengungsi di Aceh, banyak yang tidak pernah kebagian. Malah bantuan pangan itu bisa dibeli di pasar.

Bagaimana memperkenalkan pengetahuan konservasi sejak dini?
Dengan memasukkan pengetahuan konservasi dalam materi pengajaran, paling tidak sejak sekolah dasar. Misalnya dengan membuat buku ajar untuk melengkapi buku pelajaran yang sudah ada. Kalau selama ini guru Biologi hanya menerangkan hewan dari fisiknya, maka sekarang diharapkan sekaligus memperkenalkan bahwa satwa tertentu itu masuk dalam kategori dilindungi.
Pengetahuan konservasi ini bisa disisipkan bukan hanya pada pelajaran biologi, tetapi juga dalam pelajaran Geografi, Agama, dan yang lain.
HARI-hari Kasim beberapa tahun belakangan lebih banyak dihabiskan di Kota Langsa (wilayah ini lepas dari Kabupaten Aceh Timur pada tahun 2001), tempat ia berkantor. Bila tidak ada kesibukan, Kasim menyempatkan berbagi waktu dengan istri serta tiga anaknya di Banda Aceh pada akhir pekan.
Istrinya, Syamsiah Ali, seorang guru Bahasa Indonesia salah satu SMA di Banda Aceh. Anak sulungnya yang kuliah di Fakultas Teknik Universitas Syiah Kuala baru berusia 19 tahun. "Saya telat menikah. Makanya di usia yang sudah tua begini, anak saya masih kecil-kecil," ujarnya.
Usia tidak menjadi kendala bagi Kasim untuk melakukan berbagai kegiatan bagi kemaslahatan orang banyak. Kasim bertekad akan bergelut dengan urusan konservasi, selama masih sehat dan mampu berbuat yang terbaik bagi sesama. Itu tidak lepas dari prinsip hidup yang ia pegang sejak dahulu: "Ilmu dan keterampilan yang Anda miliki saat ini, amalkanlah secara ikhlas berdasarkan niat yang baik".

Sahabat seangkatannya di IPB, penyair Taufiq Ismail, merasa perlu menyembunyikan wajahnya di Kali Ciliwung yang keruh karena malu kepada Kasim yang telah berbuat banyak dengan kerja nyata.

Dan kemarin di tepi Kali Ciliwung aku berkaca/ Kulihat mukaku yang keruh dan leherku yang berdasi/ Kuludahi bayanganku di air itu karena rasa maluku/ Ketika aku mengingatmu, Sim/ Di Waimital engkau mencetak harapan/ Di kota, kami...//

PEWAWANCARA: Nasru Alam Aziz
Kompas Minggu, 9 Mei 2004